alien & sedition.
Sunday, March 04, 2007
  Life Among the Unhinged

At some point I'll try to bring you a roundup of some of the coverage of CPAC from the right. Meanwhile, here's a good post from Digby on the Coulter-versy and what it says about the media and conservatives. He quotes Andrew Sullivan:
When you see [Coulter] in such a context, you realize that she truly represents the heart and soul of contemporary conservative activism, especially among the young. The standing ovation for Romney was nothing like the eruption of enthusiasm that greeted her. . . .

Her endorsement of Romney today - "probably the best candidate" - is a big deal, it seems to me. McCain is a non-starter. He is as loathed as Clinton in these parts. Giuliani is, in her words, "very, very liberal." One of his sins? He opposed the impeachment of Bill Clinton. That's the new standard. She is the new Republicanism. The sooner people recognize this, the better.
Sure, says Digby - but Sully's a little late to the party:
This hideous face of the Republican Party has been obvious to those of us who have been paying attention for a long, long time. It is the single most important reason why our politics have devolved into a filthy grudge match.

For a long time liberals were paralyzed or indifferent as the GOP demonized liberalism as the root of every problem and pathology in American society. We were derided as unamerican, treasonous and evil. After the congressional harrassment of the 90's, the partisan impeachment, the puerile coverage of campaign 2000 and the resulting installation of a Republican president under very dubious circumstances, Democrats of all stripes heard both the Republicans and the media smirking at our outrage and telling us to "get over it."

[...]

When Limbaugh said, "I tell people don't kill all the liberals. Leave enough so we can have two on every campus - living fossils - so we will never forget what these people stood for," we didn't doubt him anymore.

When Ann Coulter said "we need to execute people like John Walker in order to physically intimidate liberals, by making them realize that they can be killed, too. Otherwise, they will turn out to be outright traitors," to rapturous applause at the 2002 CPAC, we knew she wasn't just kidding.

And, yes, when Andrew Sullivan said that we liberals in blue enclaves formed a fifth column, you'll have to forgive us for assuming he was among the people who wished to see us jailed or dead.

It continues today. Dinesh D'Souza just published a book saying that liberals are the cause of terrorism. Ramesh Ponneru calls us "The Party of Death." And when Michele Malkin then creates a career out of calling the left is "Unhinged" and the Washington Post treats her likes she's discovered the Holy Grail.

This is why it is so shocking to us when we see people like Howard Kurtz and various others call for the smelling salts when some members of the left have reacted in kind by saying hateful, violent things about Dick Cheney's assassination attempt. These anonymous commenters are not best selling authors making a personal televised appearance at a gathering that includes most of the Republican presidential candidates, members of congress and even the Vice President himself.
Digby's giving voice to a deep-rooted and ever-growing liberal frustration. It's infuriating to be constantly confronted with such comprehensive and vicious up-is-downism. I try not to dwell on it for blood pressure-related reasons, but it needs to be said.

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Wednesday, January 10, 2007
  The Long March

The Old Stone House
Under the command of Alexander, Haslet's Delawares and Smallwood's Marylanders were surrounded by the British grenadier and Scottish 42nd Black Watch. The Brits were amazed at the valor of these two groups. But they destroyed them anyway. Alexander tried to save his troops and ordered an organized withdrawal. Through the Gowanus Creek they withdrew, except for 200 Marylanders led by the war hero, Mordecai Gist. At the Cortelyou House, Gist and his men counter attacked and nearly broke the British lines. Alexander had ordered his sixth counter attack when fresh British troops arrived. And Gist and his fellow Marylanders had to fight their way back to the American Line. Only 9, including Mordecai Gist survived. But the offensive on what is now known as the Stone House, allowed the rest of Alexander's Army to survive. 256 died at the Stone House, [and were buried] in an unmarked grave. [From BrooklynOnLine.com]

Over at Digby's place, poputonian contrasts the desperate gambling of our current Commander-in-Chief to the prudence of our first C-in-C. In September 1776, with the American army in danger of being encircled and destroyed in New York, General Nathanael Green wrote to George Washington urging him to make a strategic withdrawal rather than risk everything in a symbolic stand.
Washington then gathered his generals for a council of war, as Greene had suggested, and revealed the results in a letter to Congress on September 8th:

"On every side there is a choice of difficulties.
...
"In deliberating on this great question [of retreat], it was impossible to forget that history, our own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in Europe, the fears of the Enemy, and even the declarations of Congress demonstrate that on our side the war should be defensive.

"It has been even called a war of posts, that we should on all occasions avoid a general action or put anything to risk unless compelled by a necessity into which we ought never to be drawn. The Arguments on which such a system was founded were deemed unanswerable, and experience has given her sanction.

"With these views, the honor of making a brave defense does not seem to be a sufficient stimulus when the success is very doubtful"
.

But how would George Surrender-Monkey Washington tell Congress he was going to cut and run? Actually, that part was easy because of who he was:

"I am sensible a retreating army is encircled with difficulties, that declining an engagement subjects a General to reproach, and that the common cause may be affected by the discouragement it may throw over the minds of many.

"But when the fate of America may be at stake on the issue, when the wisdom of cooler moments and experienced men have decided that we should protract the war [by retreating], if possible, I cannot think it safe or wise to adopt a different system."


This was always about America to George Washington, a belief in country that was larger than himself.
Poputonian's point, of course, is about the difference between a real leader and patriot, who would choose the wise course of action regardless of whether it might be called "cowardly," and a fraudulent and self-centered commander, who will send American troops off to pointless death and dismemberment in a sacrifice to his own vanity, his fever dreams about a "place in history."

There's another lesson to draw from this, though. Washington could afford to retreat, again and again, because time, geography, and the nature of empire were on his side. The Americans didn't lose every battle in the Revolutionary War, but they lost most of them. It didn't matter.

Bush will ask for sacrifice. But the empire will never sacrifice as much as the insurgents, because the empire can leave. The insurgents cannot. The failure of our commanders to grasp this lesson is one of the most fundamental blunders the United States has made in Iraq.

The Iraqi insurgents are no American revolutionaries. I won't speak to what they are, but it's beside the point anyway. There is no military solution before a political solution. It is fundamentally impossible.

And that's what Washington knew, and that's why he won.

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